In Armenia, anxiety has become routine. It lives in everyday conversations, on social media, and in the silence of people who no longer believe that “the next minister will fix it.” That is why the appointment of an Interior Minister is not a ceremonial act — it is a public test: who is responsible for your safety when the streets feel less secure and the state increasingly appears preoccupied with its own survival.
This is why the appointment of Arpine Sargsyan — born in 1994 — triggered not admiration for a “new generation,” but a wave of anger and distrust: Why her? Why now? And why in a period of heightened vulnerability?
The facts: who she is and how she got the job
Arpine Sargsyan was appointed Minister of Internal Affairs on November 20, 2024, formalized by a presidential decree following the Prime Minister’s nomination.
According to the official government biography, she is a jurist who served as Deputy Minister of Justice (2022–2023), then Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs (2023–2024), before taking the ministerial post.
So she is not “someone from nowhere.” She is a system insider.
And that is precisely the point: which system does she represent — public security, or political security?
Why the public reads the appointment as provocation
Age alone is not a crime. But the Interior Ministry is not a classroom or a startup. It is an institution where mistakes cost lives, trust, and order.
When a young official is placed at the top, many citizens do not hear “modernization.” They hear:
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loyalty over authority,
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control over field experience,
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symbolism (the first female minister) over outcomes.
I am not claiming she lacks competence. I am saying something else: society does not feel the Interior Ministry works for citizens — and that makes every “symbolic personnel decision” look like an insult to public fear.
Crime: improved reports vs rising public fear
On one hand, official reports emphasize effectiveness: the government’s 2025 activity report highlights that the Criminal Police recorded zero unsolved murders, and it points to increased weapons seizures and higher detection figures by the Patrol Service.
The minister also stated that recorded crime in 2025 decreased by 3.2%.
On the other hand, media outlets reported a rise in the number of registered murders in 2025 compared with 2024.
This contradiction produces a legitimate public question:
How can the situation be “better,” if people feel less safe?
Trust is not built by spreadsheets. Trust is built by justice, prevention, responsiveness, and respect.
Why people say: “The police protect Pashinyan, not citizens”
I will not present this as a proven fact — it is a perception. But it is widespread, and it is dangerous.
It grows from daily patterns:
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police are associated with guarding political power and managing public space,
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street-level force is interpreted as political enforcement,
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ordinary citizens do not feel the police belongs to them.
Meanwhile, the government continues structural reform: Patrol Police, Criminal Police, Community Police, Police Guard, unified operational centers — the modernization agenda is real on paper.
But reform fails if society does not see the core principle: police for citizens, not for a ruling team.
Why her: the political logic behind the personnel decision
Three motives are visible even without official admission:
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Manageability. A young minister is easier to integrate into a political vertical.
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Continuity of reform as a “project.” She was already inside the ministry as deputy — a “carrier” of the current course.
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Optics of renewal. The government sells “a new face of the system,” especially under public irritation and with elections approaching.
When the Interior Ministry becomes part of political marketing, it stops being a classic public-security institution. It becomes a risk-management instrument for authorities, not a safety institution for society.
What happens next if nothing changes
Not just more headline crimes — but deeper trust decay.
When people stop trusting police:
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they stop reporting,
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they stop cooperating,
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they retreat into fear and self-protection,
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street aggression normalizes.
And no report about “zero unsolved murders” can save legitimacy if citizens intuitively feel they are alone.
Conclusion
Arpine Sargsyan may prove an effective manager. She may improve indicators. She may accelerate reform. But until the central question is answered, it will all look like a facade:
Whose security does the Interior Ministry protect — citizens’ safety, or the political team’s safety?
If the government cannot convincingly answer, 2026 will not be a reform year. It will be a year of accumulated anger.
By Lida Nalbandyan, Founder and CEO of Octopus Media Group